The Critique:

-Against Communism-

A common criticism Third Positionists -of all varieties- level against communism is its inherent cosmopolitanism and the overall Utopian nature of the theory.

Third Positionists, being nationalists, feel that internationalism is fundamentally at odds with humanity's innate ethnocentrism, which is a significant aspect of our human nature. Third Positionists also feel that it's undesirable for humanity to embrace internationalism, for it ultimately destroys cultural and racial diversity.

The stateless/anarchic paradise which Marx foresaw as the end result of communism (following the transitional socialist stage) is seen as basically being unattainable by adherents of the Third Position, for it too runs contrary to aspects of human nature, particularly in the post-industrial age.


-Against Capitalism-

Capitalism is viewed by adherents of the Third Position to be exploitative, unjust, anti-social, and contrary to notions of national and racial solidarity. Socialist theoretician Gregor Strasser described the Third Positionist critique of capitalism quite well when he wrote:

"We are socialists. We are enemies, deadly enemies of today's capitalist economic system with its exploitation of the economically weak, its unfair wage system, its immoral way of judging the worth of human beings in terms of their wealth and their money, instead of their responsibility and their performance, and we are determined to destroy this system whatever happens!"

VARIETIES

Since the Third Position is a vague term, a number of differing ideologies encompass its classification; the only thing that binds them all together is their common stance against capitalism and communism.

NATIONAL SOCIALISM
(also referred to as: 'social nationalism', 'nationalist-socialism', 'socialist nationalism', etc.)

Like the term 'Third Position', national socialism is a broad term which encompasses a wide range of differing interpretations and manifestations. Contrary to popular belief, Adolf Hitler's NSDAP (National Socialist German Workers' Party) was not the first or only variety of national socialism to have existed.

The term originated almost simultaneously in France, Czechoslovakia, and Austria in the late 1800s, though nationalistic socialist concepts existed well before the actual term itself was coined.

The French novelist, anti-Dreyfusard, and socialist politician, Maurice Barrès, first evoked the phrase "socialist nationalism" in his 1898 electoral campaign. Like most of his campaigns, Barrès ran on a platform of "Nationalism, Protectionism, and Socialism".

Aside from being one of the first noteworthy national socialist politicians, Barrès was also one of the earliest French political theorists to develop a concept of ethnic nationalism. Maurice Barrès' theories went on to subsequently influence various manifestations of national socialism and fascism throughout Europe -particularly the first national socialist mass movement, Pierre Biétry's 300,000 member Yellow Socialist union.

In 1898, the Czech National Social Party was founded. The party supported a fusion of nationalism and socialism. The 25 Point Programme drafted by Adolf Hitler, Anton Drexler, and Gottfried Feder, and adopted by the NSDAP, was greatly influenced by the Czech National Socialist Party platform.

The German National Workers' League of Austria changed its name to the 'German National Socialist Workers' Party' in 1918, running on a pan-Germanic nationalist and socialist platform, reminiscent of the policies embraced by Hitler's NSDAP. In 1930, the party split into two factions, one favoring a democratic structure, and the other favoring Adolf Hitler's Führerprinzip -the party ultimately merged with the NSDAP following Austria's annexation into the Third Reich.


-Hitlerism-

Few would deny that Hitlerism -that is, the unique expression of national socialism established by Adolf Hitler- is the most prominent variety of national socialism in history. Before I explain the distinguishing features of Hitlerian national socialism, I shall briefly outline the origins of the NSDAP and Hitler's association with the party.

Anton Drexler, a self-identified socialist, founded the German Workers' Party in 1919 on the principle of establishing a new socialist party which was also nationalist in nature. After some hesitation and upon reviewing and approving of Drexler's pamphlet -My Political Awakening- Adolf Hilter joined the German Workers' Party in September of 1919, becoming the 55th member of the party and the 7th member of the party's executive committee.

Hitler subsequently suggested changing the party's name to the Social Revolutionary Party, but in February 1920, the German Workers' Party officially changed its name to the National Socialist German Workers' Party. By 1921 Adolf Hitler basically became the undisputed leader of the party, and by 1923 Drexler had resigned from the NSDAP.

Hitlerism is distinguished by a number of characteristics:

*The Führerprinzip: Basically, the political will of the nation is embodied in the Führer, rendering most forms of democracy abolished.

*Pan-Germanism: The notion that all people of Germanic descent should be unified within one German Reich.

*Lebensraum: Hitler believed that Germany lacked the essential living space required for the Reich's surplus population, and devised an expansionist theory in which Germanic peoples would settle Eastern Europe.

*Eugenics: In accordance with Hitler's racialist beliefs, the Third Reich implemented eugenic laws for the enhancement of the race. The NSDAP also passed legislation outlawing miscegenation (the Nuremberg Laws).

*Dirigisme: Adolf Hitler preserved private ownership over most enterprises, under the strict condition that the state regulated these businesses to run in according with the nation's collective interests. Such regulations included price controls, wage controls, job security, investment controls, dividend restrictions, production quotas, and state directed trade.

Germany's central bank was nationalized, as were companies which didn't comply with state ordinances. Europe's largest state-owned and operated company was also established under the Third Reich, the Reichswerke-Hermann Göring.

*Social Welfare: Aside form the obvious socialist characteristics found within the Third Reich's dirigism, Hitler's regime also implemented several social welfare measures. A socialized health care program was started, expanding coverage to all German citizens; public work projects were created to combat unemployment; social security was expanded; low cost homes were constructed for the German proletariat, with 1,458,128 units being constructed between 1933-37; generous loans, tax breaks, and welfare services were given to German families; the Kraft durch Freude state initiative gave paid vacations to all German workers, as well as free cultural events to attend; etc. For more information, read Léon Degrelle's The First Years of the Third Reich.


-Strasserism-

Gregor Strasser joined the NSDAP in 1921, with his younger brother, Otto, joining in 1925. Both brothers, along with party comrades like Joseph Goebbels, devised an ideological current within the NSDAP which differed from the more moderate policies favored by Hitler and the monetarist theories promoted by Gottfried Feder.

The national socialism of the Strasser brothers contains the following characteristics:

*European Collaboration: In contrast to the pan-Germanic imperialism and Nordicism endorsed by Hitler, Strasserism promoted pan-Europeanism. This pan-Europeanism would entail an economic cooperation between all European partners, so as to avoid the counterproductive aspects of economic competition between European states.

Otto Strasser believed that all Europeans were of similar racial descent and therefore fundamentally rejected any theory of superiority between European nationalities or subraces. However, Strasser also believed in the preservation of unique cultures and ethnicities.

*Federalism: Otto Strasser promoted the decentralization of Germany, turning the nation into several distinct cultural regions which would be self-governing autonomous communities, though all regions would practice the same socialist economic model.

*Socialization: The Strasser brothers (and many other members of the NSDAP) promoted the outright collectivization of the means of production. Workers' councils were to govern their workplaces, with state oversight to ensure such businesses were acting in accordance with nationalists interests. The bourgeoisie were to be abolished and assimilated into the new socialist mode of production. Finance capital was also to be nationalized by the state.

*Agrarian Reform: The Strasser faction of the NSDAP promoted the expropriation of the large landed estates in Germany, with the land to be redistributed to peasant families. All land would be owned by the state, but family farmers would be grated hereditary title the plots of land. The farms would remain in the possession each family until such time as the family no longer had a descendant willing to farm the land.


After the fall of the Third Reich, several national socialist parties emerged in Germany, and throughout the world, most notably Otto-Ernst Remer's Socialist Reich Party and Otto Strasser's German Social Union Party.

The Socialist Reich Party, funded in-part by the Soviet government, quickly drew significant support from among the West German populace but was banned under the denazification laws established by the new German government.

Otto Strasser, who was finally allowed to return to Germany in the mid 1950s, was almost imprisoned due to antisemitic statements he made in public while promoting his new political party. The German Social Union Partyultimately attracted few followers.

NATIONAL SYNDICALISM

Revolutionary syndicalism had become a very popular current in Europe in the early 20th century, particularly in France, Italy, and Spain. However, by the start of World War I, a historic split arose within the syndicalist and socialist movements, between those individuals and organizations which supported participation in the war versus those who didn't.

Following the split within the syndicalist movement, the pro-war syndicalist faction started becoming more outspoken about their nationalist views. While the revolutionary syndicalist movement accepted nothing but proletarian internationalism, these nationalist syndicalists rejected Marxian internationalism and affirmed the legitimacy of the nation-state.

Revolutionary syndicalists theorized a socialist mode of production where workers would own the means of production and workers' councils would manage their enterprises within the framework of a stateless society; National Syndicalists also favored worker ownership and management of the means of production, but within the framework of a nation-state and with their nation's government co-owning and co-managing businesses with the workers' councils.

Georges Valois' Cercle Proudhon, established in 1911, was one of the first organizations involved in the cultivation of National Syndicalist theory.

Mussolini's Fascist movement was initially linked with the National Syndicalist movement, though over time the party adopted its own ideology -a form of corporativism.

Ramiro Ledesma Ramo established his own National Syndicalist party (the JONS) in Spain, prior to the Spanish Civil War. The JONS made significant progress among the socialist and anarchist circles in Spain, with its political program even being reviewed by the CNT-FAI central committee. Eventually, Ramo's merged his party with José Antonio Primo de Rivera's Falange party. However, Ramo's became disillusioned with José Antonio's more mild corporativist theories, and eventually resigned from the FE-JONS.

Both Ramos and José Antonio were murdered by Republican forces during the Spanish Civil War, allowing the reactionary general, Francisco Franco, the opportunity to co-opt the movement -which he did, eventually betraying the syndicalist principles of the party and allowing for traditionalists (monarchists and theocrats) to join and alter the party.

NATIONAL BOLSHEVISM

'National Bolshevism' is often misunderstood due to its provocative and paradoxical name. Nevertheless, the ideology represents a significant strand of Third Positionism, as it rejects both capitalism and Marxism.

There are basically two strands of National Bolshevism which arose in the early 20th century, that of the Russian Professor, Nikolay Ustryalov, and that of the political activist and German Professor, Ernst Niekisch.

Nikolay Ustryalov, initially a White Russian opponent of the Bolsheviks, eventually came to view the Bolshevik revolution as a continuation of Russian nationalism, especially considering the nationalistic reforms enacted by Joseph Stalin following Lenin's death. At this point, Ustryalov began theorizing the possibilities of this new Bolshevism, which he coined National Bolshevism. Nevertheless, in 1937 Ustryalov was murdered in Stalin's infamous 'Great Purge' of 1937, on counts of "espionage, counter-revolutionary activity and anti-Soviet agitation."

Ernst Niekisch was originally a member of the German Social Democrat Party, but like Otto Strasser, was expelled for promoting extreme nationalism and antisemitism. Like all Third Positionists, Niekisch rejected the cosmopolitanism of Marxian socialism and affirmed the validity and necessity of the nation-state. Following his expulsion from the SPD, Niekisch took control of the Old Socialist Party of Saxony and established a political journal, Widerstand, which promoted his nationalist brand of socialism.

Niekisch felt that the socialist policies promoted by Hitler were too mild, and looked to Stalinism as a model for his National Bolshevik Führerprinzip, as opposed to Hitlerism.

In 1932, Niekisch authored a book critical of Hitlerism, entitled Hitler: Ein Deutsches Verhängnis. The NSDAP was aware of Niekisch's book and upon coming to power in 1933, targeted him for arrest. Niekisch took his organizations underground but was eventually caught and sent to a concentration camp in 1937. During his time in captivity, Niekisch became blind. As a result of his treatment by the NSDAP, following the end of World War II, Niekisch ended his political career as an orthodox Marxist, rejecting the nationalism he had once firmly espoused.

FASCISM

As mentioned above, National Syndicalism represented a type of proto-fascism in Europe. However, as Mussolini's Fascist Party grew and drew in a more diverse membership, political philosophers (such as Giovanni Gentile) joined the movement and forged a new ideology for the party to embrace -this ideology came to be known asCorporativismo (or 'Corporativism', in English).

Contrary to what is commonly considered "corporatism", the corporativism developed by the Italian Fascist movement did not mean the merger of state and private corporate power.

The structure of corporativism is essentially a form of syndicalism. The Corporate Chamber is a vertical union, with three main bodies being represented: labor, business owners/management, and the state -with peripheral figures like economic and industrial experts also being included in the process of negotiation. Thus, while the means of production are still technically in private hands, the capitalist mode of production is abolished, with this cooperative model replacing it. Labor and business owners collectively determine wages, the management structure, investment, etc. with the state acting as an arbiter between the two factions.

The corporativist model never came to represent the of mode of production for the majority of businesses in Fascist Italy; instead, Italy practiced a more mild form of dirigisme than that which was practiced by the Third Reich. Social welfare policies were enacted, which included public works for the unemployed, a socialized health care policy, affordable housing, and leisure activities organized by the Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro. Unbeknown to many, traditional syndicalist worker cooperatives were also officially recognized by the state and allowed to remain in existence in Fascist Italy, even flourishing throughout the history of the regime, with syndicalist enterprises expanding from 7,131 businesses in 1927 to 14,576 by 1937.

Mussolini never liquidated the royal family, the bourgeoisie, or the position of the Catholic Church in Italy, but eventually came to recognize the error of not doing so when the royal family betrayed him and joined the allied forces in World War II.

After the NSDAP rescued Mussolini from captivity, they allowed him to establish a new republic in Salò, Italy, which he named the Italian Social Republic. Mussolini, who was a former Marxist as well as a former National Syndicalist, decided to abandon the corporativism he once embraced, in favor of a traditional form of nationalist socialism. He called upon his long time friend and former member of the Italian Socialist Party, Nicola Bombacci, to draft the new socialist legislation for the republic at the Congress of Verona in 1943. Mussolini succeeded in nationalizing the major firms in Northern Italy and had laws established for the further nationalization of all companies with over 100 employees following the war.

Nicola Bombacci was murdered by communist partisans along with Mussolini in 1945. His final words were: "Long live Mussolini! Long live socialism!"


Francisco Franco, upon coming to power in Spain, instituted an emasculated version of corporativism. Exploiting one of the major flaws within the system, Franco used to power of the state to take the side of the business over that of labor in basically every vertical union meeting. Franco's reactionary regime also never implemented any significant form of social welfare policies for the Spanish people.


British politician, Oswald Mosley, originally adopted the corporativist economic model to promote in his British Union of Fascists, but eventually came to recognize the flaws of the theory, thereby adopting instead a Strasserist form of National Syndicalism towards the end of his political career.

DISTRIBUTISM

While often being less nationalistic, socialistic, and racialist than other varieties of Third Positionism, distributism nevertheless is fundamentally anti-capitalist and anti-communist and has even been adopted by certain White Nationalist circles in contemporary history. Therefore, most would agree that distributism has a place within the Third Position.

The theory is based up the Catholic teachings of Pope Leo XIII, which were expounded upon by G.K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc in the early 20th century.

Distributists promote the decentralization of capital via agrarian reform, anti-trust legislation, and a return to the artisan mode of production. Distributists are opposed to all forms of usury and favor what is referred to as the 'just price theory', which rejects the supply and demand system of capitalism on a moral basis.

Some view distributism as being unpractical in the post-industrial age, arguing that unless a primitivist restructure of society were undertaken, distributism could not be expected to function well in the modern age.

NATIONAL-ANARCHISM

In the 1920s, when expressing his views of a decentralized nationalistic socialist German society, Helmut Franke used the term "national anarchism" to describe his theory. The term wasn't expressed again until the 1980s, when certain European anarchists began theorizing an anarchism which was also nationalistic in character. These anarchists looked to the nationalistic and racialist sentiments expressed by Mikhail Bakunin and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon for inspiration in the development of their ideology.

Troy Southgate, a former member of the International Third Position, is one of the primary national anarchist theoreticians today.

National Anarchists promote the complete abolition of nation states, to be replaced by voluntary tribal communities, based upon cultural and ethnic identity. Economically, National Anarchists favor everything from mutualism to primitivist agrarianism. 

THE NATIONAL REVOLUTION
AND HOW TO DO IT IN A MODERN SOCIETY
by Kai Murros




Instructions to the Cadres of the Party

"*Help the elderly, the sick and everyone who needs your help. Help them without asking, every soldier of the Party must embody the Party and its propaganda struggle.

*Serve the people! The one who serves the people will overcome.

*Protect the people! The one who protects the people will overcome

*The first task a cadre of the Party has is to win over the the hearts and minds of the people.

*Be honest, hard-working and just: The change begins with you.

*Be strong, but have understanding for those who are weak. Carry also their burden.

*See the revolutionary process in its wholeness and your part in it, in this way you will get strength in difficult times and patience when nothing seems to happen.

*We will not win the final victory through great battles but through the hard work we do between the battles. We will win through persistence, patience and diligence.

*Acquaint yourself thoroughly with ideological literature in order to know who you are.

*Stay fit. An ideologically aware soul in the body of a warrior should be your ideal.

*Be humble. It is out of humility that true pride will grow.

*Harden yourself against ridicule, for they don't know what they are doing.

*Revolution is a dialectical process in which the Party learns from the masses and the masses from the Party. Our victory will be based on this dialectical relationship.

*Find out and expose the crimes committed by the system. Remember: When you speak, the Party speaks.

*It is through you that the revolutionary awareness of the people will grow. Your every word shall be like a bullet.

*Find out and expose the enemies of the people and report them to the Party. Remember: You are the eyes and ears of the Party.

*You are the Party, wherever you go, the Party goes -act accordingly.

Base Areas and Revolution

*Revolution in a modern society is based on creating a counter society in the base areas which are under the Party's control.

*Creating a base area is a rehearsal before taking over the whole society.

*The Party must not be a random shot in the dark, but an integral part of the everyday life of ordinary people.

*In order to survive, the Party needs people and land. This is why the Party's strategy for expansion must be based on taking over completely -physically and mentally- areas that will be carefully selected beforehand.

*The base areas will be islands inside the deteriorating liberal-capitalist system. It is in the base areas that the Party will learn administrative functions.

*Creating base areas is possible, because the liberal-capitalist system has turned its back on ordinary people and their needs. To the liberal-capitalist system, people are fit only for production and consumption.

*The victory will belong to a party that will show true concern for ordinary people and for their needs.

*Creating base areas is necessary, because the deterioration of the liberal-capitalist system will create a vacuum which otherwise will be filled by organized crime.

*We will triumph over organized crime, because we serve the people.

*At the first stage of the revolution, we will fight in the marginalized areas of the liberal-capitalist system: We will secure our position in society's periphery.

*The base areas will survive because the liberal-capitalist system is in the process of destroying itself. We will grow stronger behind the façade of the crumbling system.

*Creating a base area will be begun by organizing a local Party chapter after which the organization will give a declaration concerning its goals and methods in the area.

*After the people's needs for security have been taken care of, the local party organization must pay attention to the people's material needs.

*A fundamental task for the Party in the base area is creating a Voluntary Labour Front.

*The Voluntary Labour Front will be an organization which mobilises the skills and wisdom of its members in the aid of the local community in a systematic and effective way.

*The Voluntary Labour Front will be the Party's weapon in the struggle against social problems in the base area. The cadres of the Voluntary Labour Front have a duty to collect information about people who need help and report it to the local Party head- quarters.

*One must not think that waging a revolutionary war is more important than everyday work. The cadres must understand that it is for our right to work that we wage a revolutionary war.

Reflections on Revolution

*Due to the dialectical nature of revolution, the best ally of the revolutionary movement is the ruling class.

*The demise of the modern, post-industrial, liberal-capitalist system will not be based so much on the wisdom of the Party and on its ability to make correct decisions, but on the increasing tendency of the system to bring about its own destruction.

*When the system is strong, we remain stationery. When the system is weak, we advance. The succes of the Party at a given moment is a good indicator of the current state of the system.

*When we assess the state of the liberal-capitalist system we must not mistake its apparent strength for its true strength.

*In order to understand the true nature of the revolutionary process, one must get a clear picture of the factors which are at work behind the system's tendency to self-destruct.

*The state is always an instrument in the hands of the ruling class. As a socialist state shall obey the will of the working class, the liberal-capitalist state is ruled in practise by the interests of the capitalist class.

*The destruction of the liberal-capitalist state is based on the fact that the whole state has been harnessed to the service of a small selfish elite. Their ruthless greed is in direct conflict with the needs of the working class.

*As the capitalist class strives to satisfy its needs, it also gradually tends to destroy the base of its own existence.

*The capitalist elite can be compared with a cancer. It feeds on the vital force of its host. The cancer is as its strongest at the moment it has sucked its host dry, but at the same moment it will have destroyed the base for its own existence.

*A typical feature of the capitalist system is that it will turn against itself when given a chance.

*The destruction of the modern, post-industrial capitalist system will be based on its tendency to minimize its expences and to maximize its markets through globalization.

*The Modern Capitalist minimizes his production costs through automatization, by shifting production in to countries with low labour costs or by bringing cheap labour in massive quantities in to industrialized countries in order to crush organized labour and bring wages down.

*The Modern Capitalist maximizes the markets by maximizing the selling of his products in the industrialized west with the most buying power. In order to do this, he abolishes all restrictions on import from countries with cheaper production costs.

*The weakness in the calculations of the Modern Capitalist lies in that the buying power of the western societies is based on their high level of industrialization. This is the very basis that the Modern Capitalist is progressively destroying. Thus we can see how the logic of the Modern Capitalist is self-destructive in nature.

*The state is the most important instrument of the Modern Capitalist.

*The state not only protects the Modern Capitalist and his money, but also creates the necessary judicial and material framework for the economic activities of the Modern Capitalist.

*The Modern Capitalist wants to have everything. He wants the state to maintain the necessary judicial and material framework for his economic activities, but at the same time the Modern Capitalist doesn't want to take any part in paying the costs.

*The Modern Capitalist drives the state into an unbearable situation. In order to keep up the demand for the products of the capitalist system, two things are necessary: The buying power of the population must be kept sufficiently high and the essential infrastructure of modern society must be maintained. These tasks will force the state to borrow money in an ever-increasing scale because the Modern Capitalist wants to minimize his costs which include taxes. The sky-rocketing interest rates are the quicksand where the state will sink the more it struggles to stay afloat.

*The more the Modern Capitalist downsizes, the higher are his profits. However, the more the Modern Capitalist downsizes, the heavier will be the burden on the state which will have to provide for the unemployed and at the same time to maintain their ability to buy the products sold by the Modern Capitalist.

*The more destructively the Modern Capitalist acts toward the society, the higher will his profits be until he will have destroyed everything.

*The constant increase of the state deficit tends to make the value of money more and more detached from reality. The stock market turns into a gigantic bubble which is bound to burst the moment reality catches up with it.

*We will experience the economy of hysteria: Imaginary money fuels the fair of illusions. The greedy slaves of mammon sell dreams to each other and desperately try to make sense of momentary irrational signs and premonitions.

*In the race between capital, production and labour, it is the inevitable destiny of the working class of the industrialized west to be bitterly defeated and be reduced to the material level of the proletariat of the third world with which it has to compete over the leftovers of the Modern Capitalist's banquet.

*The Modern Capitalist will always be unhappy with the state. The state is too slow an actor in the international market. The Modern Capitalist also disapproves of the constant borrowing of money by the state without realizing that he bears the blame for it himself.

*Finally the Modern Capitalist shall want to get rid of the state. The state used to be his lackey; now it feels like a burden to him. The Modern Capitalist wants total freedom for himself.

The Crisis of Capitalism Will Serve Our Cause

*We must not be afraid of economic crisis', indeed we must welcome them.

*An economic crisis always reveals the true nature of the system. During an economic crisis the activities of the capitalists are even more ruthless than in normal times. An economic crisis tends to give the capitalists an opportunity to rob the poor and increase their wealth even more than during a period when the economy grows.

*Economic crisis have a tendency of generating revolutionary awareness. The deteriorating economic situation of the working class and its subconscious anger will eventually result in outbursts of spontaneous violence. However, the important thing is that the economic collapse will topple the ivory towers of middle class complacency.

*The power of the capitalist class is based on capital. Capital pays the wages of the soldiers, the police, the journalists and the entertainers. The one who controls capital will as well have control over the dominant set of values in a given society. We can see that the power of the capitalist class is both direct and indirect in its nature.

*The total collapse of the economic system and of the state in the last stage of capitalism will reveal that the seemingly eternal and permanent power capital was, after all, only an illusion.

*As the crashing share values and hyperinflation wreck the monetary system, the capitalist class will lose its only weapon -capital. They will be left defenceless at the mercy of the revolutionary forces.

The Middle Class and the Revolution

*The middle class is the most important instrument of the revolution, but also the biggest obstacle to it.

*The most dangerous counter-revolutionary force in society is the middle-class mentality.

*Typical features for the middle class are: conservatism, self-righteousness, admiration for the upper class and a thwarted political consciousness.

The middle class is attracted and fascinated by the wealth and social status of the upper class, just as nightflies are attracted to the lamp.

*The antisocial radicalism and unpatriotism previously associated with the working class have contributed to making the middle class into a servile lackey of the capitalists.

*Revolution, when it comes, will be made at the terms of the middle class.

*The middle class has been able to enjoy an unpresedented accumulation of wealth and upward social mobility during the dynamic period of capitalism.

*The opportunity for a radical working class revolution was lost as middle class gradually grew stronger and a part of the working class itself was able to merge with the middle class during the dynamic period of capitalism.

*The memory of upward mobility during the dynamic period of capitalism still haunts the minds of the middle class. [However] The crisis of capitalism will take away everything the middle class and upper working class have ever had. When this happens, the Party must be ready as the objective, material requirements for the revolution have ripened and a revolutionary consciousness awakens.

*Upward mobility always requires a conventional set of mind and total acceptance of the prevailing system of values. The middle class, which by its nature is always waiting at the threshold of the upper class, is the most counter-revolutionary force in the history of humankind.

*The most pitiful example of how the middle class, in a most servile manner, follows the values of the upper class is how it has adopted cosmopolitan liberalism as its ideology.

*Cosmopolitan liberalism is an integral part of the strategy of the capitalist class in its bid to globalize its power. Cosmopolitan liberalism serves only the needs of the capitalist class.

*Cosmopolitan liberalism is a new ideological smoke screen for class oppression.

*Liberalism is a cancer gnawing at the very foundation of the nation. Liberalism is the most most dangerous ideological enemy of the Party and its total eradication from the face of the earth is the most important task for the Party.

*Special ideological diligence and consciousness will be required from the Party in order to distinguish and fight two different, and therefore especially dangerous, forms of liberalism: right-wing liberalism and left-wing liberalism.

*All the problems in modern society stem from two, originally opposite forces, right-liberalism and left-liberalism.

*Right-liberalism and left-liberalism are the thesis and antithesis, their synthesis is deadly.

*Right-liberalism is the ideology par excellence of the bourgeoisie. It glorifies the omnipotence of capitalism and how necessary and wise it is to surrender ourselves to the iron laws of economics, portrayed as fundamental as the forces of nature. As the bourgeoisie has been able to pin down the working class by exploiting the oportunities provided by globalization, right-liberalism -the ideology of capitalism- has been busy contributing to the distruction of the material basis of life for the working class, while left-liberalism has been pulling down what it has considered traditional, authoritarian and reactionary. Left-liberalism has also freed the individuals from their responsibilities and duties towards their community. Left-liberalism is only concerned about rights, never duties. It believes that the reasons for dysfunctional behaviour come from the outside, thus one cannot be expected to have any kind of self-discipline.

*As right-liberalism -the ideology of the bourgeoisie- had first destroyed the material basis for a decent living for the working class, it is no wonder that left-liberalism was able to break the moral fibre of the national community.

*The middle class tends to accept all the actions of the capitalist class aiming to strengthen its own position, thinking that this will benefit the middle class as well.

*The problem with the revolutionary consciousness of the middle class is the fact that for a long time the middle class will be able to isolate itself from the social problems brought upon by the crisis of capitalism and to turn a blind eye to these problems an even longer amount of time.

*The illusion of upward mobility, so common to the middle class, makes the middle class see the crisis of capitalism as a special problem concerning mainly the lower proletariat.

*At the final stage in the crisis of capitalism, the cornered middle class seems to have only two choices: either to maintain the capitalist system and so allow itself to be exploited and oppressed by the capitalist class, or to yield to the radical extremists and surrender to their irrational fanatism that gives no consideration to the needs of ordinary people. The solution to this dilemma is the Party.

*The Party will fight on two fronts: It will fight both against the capitalist class, which at the moment holds both political power and economical power, and against the extremist fractions.

Problems within Socialism

*Common tendencies within the mentality of radical leftism are the healthy and youthfull desire to shake obsolete and reactionary belief systems on the one hand, and a nihilistic frenzy to wipe out everything remotely traditional on the other.

*History teaches us that you can't defeat history. There is no void where one could create social structures without history or past. All efforts to do so will lead to disaster.

*A true socialist must always reflect on how he or she could learn from the past, so that socialism could develop naturally and organically based on the concrete historical experience of the nation.

*The second biggest mistake in building socialism lies in a purely theoretical approach that ignores experience and conventional logic.

*The biggest mistake in building socialism lies in trying to create an inorganic, cosmopolitan socialism lacking roots in the concrete history of ordinary people.

*A true socialism can only be built on a national basis guided by the historical experience of the people and of the nation.

*Cosmopolitan socialism and capitalism are basically the same. They will fall, because they have no roots in real life and lack organic cohesion.

*A healthy nationalism must not consist merely in idealistic daydreaming. Nationalism must be connected with the real world by using the methodology of historical materialism.

*The reactionary nationalism of the bourgeoisie must be replaced with a progressive socialist nationalism.

*Only when capitalism has been replaced with socialism will the nation be truly free to express itself and develop without restraint.

*The ideology of the Party must be materialistic in method and truly national in spirit.

*Traditionally, historical materialism and nationalist thinking have had a dualist thesis/antithesis relationship. Once this dualism vanishes and a new synthesis is formed, an entirely new world will come about.

Why Revolution Now?

*A revolution is always caused by a concrete change which has occurred in the mode of production of a given society. This change, when reflected in the superstructure of that society, will bring about a revolutionary situation.

*The concrete change in the mode of production will create a modern revolution and this is due to the breakthrough of modern information technology.

*With the breakthrough of the information technology, the Modern Capitalist is able to set in motion the vicious circle of accumulation of riches for some and impoverishment for the majority -which is a necessary precondition for the revolution.

*The vicious circle of accumulation of riches for some and impoverishment for the majority will eventually destroy capitalism. The introduction of this vicious circle has been delayed until our days because the level of technology has been so low that labour, production and capital have been dependent on each other.

*At the time when labour, production and capital were mutually dependent on each other the ability of the working class to consume goods produced by the capitalist was the crucial factor in holding back the vicious circle of impoverishment.

*A traditional capitalist could not completely starve his slaves, because they also bought his products.

*At the time when labour, production and capital were mutually dependent on each other. The trade unions and the impact of the state and of its institutions created a certain balance and held back the vicious circle of impoverishment.

*The breakthrough of information technology means that the bond between labour, production and capital has been broken.

*Since labour, production and capital are no longer dependent on each other, the breakthrough of information technology will leave the working class and the state totally to the mercy of the Modern International Capitalist.

*With the breakthrough of information technology and globalisation, the vicious circle of impoverishment has finally started.

*Another element of the modern revolution is the state of the developing countries.

*The population explosion and urbanization in the developing world has created an inexhaustible labour reserve for the Modern Capitalist. This labour reserve is meant to be a docile instrument for the Modern Capitalist in his battle against organized labour in the industrialized countries.

*The modernization process in the societies of the developing world has reached a level where these societies are able to adopt industrial and capitalist modes of production. In this way, the developing world is meant to serve as base area in the relentless battle of the Modern Capitalist against organized labour in the industrialized west.

*Before the breakthrough of information technology, the Modern Capitalist wasn't able to harness the resources of the developing countries to serve him in his battle against the organized labour in the industrialized countries.

*The breakthrough of information technology and globalisation means a new flourishing of slavery in the developing countries.

*The invisible bond of the modern international capitalism is more devious than that of traditional slavery; it gives its victims the untruthful promise of a better tomorrow and leaves them with the illusion that in a free market economy they will have a real freedom of choice.

*For developing countries the freedom of the market means slavery for their peoples. We must ask ourselves how to cut the invisible bond of modern global slavery, the existence of which no one is willing to admit.

*As the basic conditions of life in the developing countries are being destroyed, the impoverished, desperate masses are emigrating to the West. This facilitates the dumping of the cost of labour. Thus a new form of slavery will finally arise in the developed countries as well.

*The spread of this new kind of slavery to the industrialised countries and the ever-increasing supply of unskilled labour are the main weapons of the Modern Capitalist in his battle against the working class. However, the upper layers of the skilled working class, and especially the middle class, will approve of this extortion as long as they themselves are safe from its effects.

*In the rat race between labour, production and capital, the fate of working class in the industrialised countries is to regress to the standard of living of the factory slaves in the third world in order to keep up their relative competitiveness, otherwise they will lose their jobs and turn into a backward sub-proletariat.

*A revolution in our time, as it always tends to do, will lead to the birth of a new ruling class. This class will be the one which will control the capital of the production form that the new society will base its existence on. With the modern socialist revolution, the working class will take its place as the leading force in society.

State-Society-Party

*When we reflect about whether there will be an elite in a socialist society, we must ask whether the revolution and the destruction of capitalist system require such an immense concentration of political, ideological and military power, that as a result there will be a new strong elite.

*We must make two revolutions: First bring down capitalism and crush its remnants through a dictatorship of the national proletariat. After this we must delegate the power back to the local communities, cooperatives, labour unions etc. This second revolution will be far more difficult than the first one.

*The dictatorship of the national proletariat is an indispensable first step on our way to an organic democracy.

*Once the power has been delegated back to the local communities, cooperatives, labour unions etc. the people will become the elite.

*History consists of struggles between the masses and the elite and between different cliques within the elite. As the people become the new elite, an elite that governs through organic democracy, this struggle will come to an end. This will be the prelude to the history of humankind.

*In order to survive, organic democracy will need a state to protect it.

*The biggest threats to organic democracy are those economic forces that go beyond the resources of the local community, as well as an inbred fractionalism causing local anarchy. The answer to both of these problems is the existence of a state.

*The state will help fledgling democracies to overcome economic problems and to quell local anarchy.

*The state will give a reasonable protection based on law to the rights of individuals against local anarchy.

*The authority of the state is based on law and decentralized. The authority of the Party is moral and centralized.

The Nation and the Ethics of Socialism

*The nation is not an abstraction; it is real. It can be observed everywhere: In the people, in its land, in its culture, folk customs and language, in the fruits of its hard work and in its common memories.

*One cannot ignore the nation simply by reasoning or make it disappear by analyzing and reducing it to the individuals that compose it -the nation simply IS.

*The existence of the nation is based on the sense of community and longing for closeness, which both stem from the genetic basis of humankind. The very essence of the nation is solidarity, mutual respect and the sense of responsibility that people feel towards one another.

*The nation is not an accident of nature, but the logical climax of the biological, social and spiritual evolution of humankind.

*The nation is a community of mutual help and mutual dependence. One can measure a nation by the depth of the solidarity and co-operation that people show towards one another -the nation is an organic entity.

*The logical goal for the social and spiritual evolution of humankind is an ever-deepening sense of community and more complex co-operation.

*In a socialist system, the nation governs itself through the means of organic democracy.

*A socialist society is characterized by the notion of organic liberty. A socialist society, unlike a liberal-capitalist one, places responsibility and duty towards one's fellow citizens before egoism and hedonism.

*In the last analysis, modern ecological socialism can be defined as a socialism based on biology itself.

*The development of the individual personality is based on the influence which society exerts upon the invidual. This is why the nation is the central element which enhances the social and spiritual growth of the individual citizen.

*The nation must not be mystified as the reactionary bourgeoisie often does.

*Reactionaries tend to mystify the nation, because they want to use the state as their instrument for reactionary class politics and oppression.

*The mystification of the nation by reactionaries is meant as opium for the working class.

*One must understand the nation as a product of material forces in history -this is the cornerstone of the progressive nationalism and progressive socialism.

*Loyalty towards one's fellow citizens, loyalty towards the nation and responsibility towards the ecosphere will be the concrete and durable basis for a new socialist system of social ethics.

*Socialist ethics are not based on esoteric beliefs, controversial dogmas or useless rituals out of touch with concret reality, but on the needs of the fellow citizen, the nation and the ecosphere.

*The development of a communitarian, secular and ecologically responsible system of social ethics will be a qualitative leap forward in the social and spiritual evolution of humankind.

The Working Class, A National Class

*In the light of empirical evidence and in the analysis of historical materialism, it can be said beyond any doubt that of all the social classes in society, only the working class is, by its nature, truly national.

*As the globalization of the economy advances, fueled by the breakthrough of information technology, it becomes ever more painfully apparent that the movements of the riches amassed by the capitalist class respect no national boundaries. Money has no nationality.

*Upper classes, whether feudal or capitalist, have always been cosmopolitan by nature. Aided by education and wealth, the members of the upper classes have been able to mingle with their peers regardless of their respective nationality or citizenship.

*As compared to the capitalist class, the middle class is totally dependent on the nation state and the social welfare structures it provides. But true to its nature, the middle class keeps repeating like a parrot those anti-nation state platitudes which were taught to it by the capitalist class it so blindly admires.

*Traditionally the most fervent proponents of national nihilism have been the pseudo-intellectuals of the left deviation, the pampered offspring of the bourgeoisie.

*There is an old saying that upper classes everywhere are always alike. This also applies to the middle class, which constantly tries to imitate the capitalist class. But the true essence of a nation can be observed in its great masses -whether they be peasants or workers.

*The bottom of the barrel have been the peasants and the workers. They were always left behind, ridiculed, scorned and exploited and yet it was they who throughout world history have built the nations and defended them. -How could the working class be anything other than a national class?

*For the Capitalist, the nation is merely a means to an end, but for the working class it is always an end itself.

*The working class is the true embodyment of the nation!"

EFEMÉRIDE - POLÍTICO EUROPEU ATREVE-SE A DIZER QUE O REI VAI NU

EFEMÉRIDE - POLÍTICO EUROPEU ATREVE-SE A DIZER QUE O REI VAI NU

Silvio Berlusconi nunca se distinguiu por ser politicamente correcto. Após várias gaffes e alguns deslizes, o primeiro-ministro italiano voltou a proferir um comentário polémico:"Menos imigrantes significa menos criminalidade".
O deslize de Berlusconi foi proferido esta quinta-feira na conferência de imprensa após a reunião do Conselho de Ministros, realizado na região da Calabria, um território controlado pela organização mafiosa mais poderosa do momento, a ‘Ndrangheta'.
A escolha simbólica do local ficou a dever-se à aprovação por parte do Executivo italiano de um plano para reforçar a luta contra a mafia e o trabalho clandestino.
Berlusconi, cujo Governo aprovou no ano passado uma lei que classifica o como crime a imigração irregular, apresentou as medidas agora aprovadas e sublinhou o êxito das iniciativas anteriores. "Os resultados da nossa luta contra a imigração clandestino são muito positivas", assegurou o primeiro-ministro, acrescentando que "uma redução dos cidadãos extra-comunitários em Itália significa menos forças para engrossar as filas dos criminosos".
O comentário de Berlusconi, que recentemente foi agredido após um comício em Milão por um cidadão italiano descontente com a sua política, promete desencadear novas críticas.

Um dos poucos líderes europeus dignos de o ser, este Berlusconi.

http://gladio.blogspot.com/